Need for Conflict Management

Pankaj Sharma

28 September 2015, New Delhi

Not all is well within the Congress bastion.

I have been a keen watcher of Congress politics for the last 35 years. However, I have no hesitation in saying that the behaviour of some of its leaders for more than a year should be a cause for concern. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has lost his sheen and yet the Congress party is unable to capitalise on it. Recent well-thought out verbal outbursts and actions by some of the old and new guards cannot be dismissed or condoned that easily. Should a political party keep on overlooking the fact that its deputy leader in the lower house of Parliament refuses to attend sessions and addresses the central leadership through the media?

Is it all right that a president of Congress party’s state unit is subject to abuse by supporters of a former chief minister from the same state whenever a national public rally is organised? Should behaviour such as this be legitimised by calling it the “enthusiasm of the workers”? Is it not the responsibility of all leaders and workers of a political outfit to respect the person occupying the position because he or she has been chosen by the leadership, after giving due consideration to all the details?

What should be done if the president of a regional committee of the Congress party tells the media that influential seniors are creating hurdles in the way of young leaders, and they don’t want to groom them? Should it not be made compulsory for a young president of a regional committee or a state unit to ensure that the very principle of inclusiveness is implemented in its basic spirit? Can a party like Congress turn its eyes away from the fact that one of its state, which till now has no presence of a third force, is facing a situation where ‘some disgruntled elements’ have announced the formation of a ‘parallel Congress’ after the recent reshuffle in the organisational setup?

Political parties are crucial elements in the democratic process. In a heterogeneous country like ours, factionalism within political parties will always remain. With different sections of people having aspirations that arise out of their social backgrounds, economic situations and political compulsions, any party including the Congress is bound to face the problems of internal conflict. When the political process is not in a position to articulate legitimate demands, conflicts emerge. There is a democratic space for the resolution of such grievances in most political parties, but the Congress has overlooked these in the past few years as far as the matters of internal conflict management are concerned. I strongly feel that allowing the tendency of ‘either my way or highway’ among the lieutenants, whether they are young or old, has cost the Congress party a lot in last few years and it could not harvest the political crop, in spite of Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi’s tireless efforts.

It is necessary for the interest of conflict resolution that an effective way of institutionalising this is found. The time has come when an enforceable code of conduct, which should define the forms of dissent permissible, is adopted. Instead of Disciplinary Action Committee, let the Congress formulate the Conflict Resolution Committee with its units in every state. The perspective should be that our Constitution has created space to resolve conflicts. Why can’t then it be adopted to manage conflicts between factions within a political party? Most problems can always be solved through the process of dialogue in the presence of a neutral and fairly experienced senior leader. A trust deficit in the neutrality of negotiator has been the cause of growing factionalism in the Congress party in the last few years. That is why Congress lost Andhra Pradesh, and that is why problems in Assam began.

Democracy as a system of political decision-making is in many ways a system of conflict management. When it comes to inner-party democracy what any political organisation requires is a carefully crafted plan that generates its own momentum. Congress requires a long process of confidence building among its leaders and between the workers and their leaders. No situation should be allowed to reach a point of no return. There is a difference between competition and conflict. Encouraging competition is good, but ignoring conflicts could be disastrous. The Congress, at the moment, cannot afford to ignore the signs and stages of conflicts. Causes or sources of organisational conflict can be many and varied, but the party leadership has to keep a sharp eye on disputes of rights and disputes of interests. Inadequate organisational structure, poor communication, lack of teamwork and absence of clarity in roles and responsibilities are the areas to be taken care of at the earliest.

The liberty of a democracy is not safe if the growth of private power is tolerated to a point where it becomes stronger than the democratic state itself. The same is true for any political organisations. Ownership of political, regional political units by an individual, by a group, or any controlling private power must be discouraged at all costs. Factional and individual conflicts must be managed by all means. Congress will be failing in its duties to launch a war against fascist forces if it does not wake 

up now.

Politics of stamps

Pankaj Sharma

21 September 2015, New Delhi, 

Modi Government wants the nation to believe that ‘all the honour was given to one family’.

Our “revolutionary” Prime Minister Narendra Modi has done another “revolution” in his 15 months rule. He has discontinued the series of postage stamps on Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. No matter, Indira Gandhi changed the geography of our sub-continent, fought against terrorism and paid with her life. It is also not important that Rajiv Gandhi left no stone unturned to make India a strong regional super-power, fought for a new world order and sacrificed his life for the country. For the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) Government in Centre, Indira and Rajiv were only the members of a family and not the Prime Ministers of this great nation who played their role in inclusive development and strengthening the social fabric of India. A loudmouth Minster of Modi-government told the people of world’s largest democracy that all the honour cannot be given to one family only.

And, what was the honour to Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi that had been given? The release of postage stamps in their memory in recognition of their services rendered to the nation. So, Modi government has decided to take this honour back by discontinuation of these stamps and believes that the next generation will forget Indira and Rajiv if their faces are not seen on the postal stamps in the years to come. In observing and participating in politicsone sees a lot of meanness. But this is for the first time in the democratic history of our country when we are witnessing such a low level of public behaviour. Gone are the days of large-hearted stalwarts, who in spite of their political differences, had the courtesy of respecting each other in public life. Envy is the religion of the mediocre. It comforts them, it soothes their worries, and finally it rots their souls, allowing them to justify their meanness and their greed until they believe these to be virtues. Such people are convinced that the doors of heaven will be opened only to poor wretches like themselves who go through life with attempts to belittle others.

Since India got Independence, 2243 postal stamps have been released till December 31, 2014. Out of these, around 175 are definitive series stamps. There are two types of postage stamps issued—commemorative and definitive. The Commemorative stamps are released once and definitive stamps are released for daily use. That means there are hundreds of other personalities, events and objects who have been given this honour which Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were part of. But only these two are now getting a special honour of delisting by the right wing government directly controlled by BJP’s mother-organisation Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh (RSS).

Definitive stamps on Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were issued in 2008 with the stamps on Mahatma Gandhi, Baba Saheb Ambedker, Satyajit Ray, Homi Bhabha, JRD Tata, and Mother Teresa. Long before this, special definitive stamps had been released on Vallabh Bhai Patel in 2000 and on Subhash Chandra Bose andAmbedker in 2001. During the regime of different Congress governments in Centre the list of stamps released include the names of Vinayak Damodar Sawarkar (1970), Jaiprakash Narayan (1980), Chhatrapati Shivaji (1961), Dayanand Sarswati (1962), Vallabh Bhai Patel (1965), Lal Bahadur Shastri (1966), and Morarji Desai (1996).

Modi Government wants the nation to believe that “all the honour was given to one family” and does not want to reveal the fact that in Independent India, stamps have been released on Kasturba Gandhi, Sister Nivedita, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Dadabhai Nauroji, Vinoba Bhave, Abdul Gaffar Khan, Bhikaji Cama, Aruna Asaf Ali, Ram Manohar Lohia, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, Shyama Prasad Mukharjee, K.B. Hedgewar, N.T. Ramarao, Karpoori Thakur, Chowdhary Charan Singh, Aurbindo, Swami Shradhanand, Shankaracharya, and Satya Sai Baba. Several prominent literary figures, artists, musicians, scientists and social reformers have also got the honour of having stamps in their memory. Events such as Jaliawala Bagh, Dandi March, and Man on Moon have also been a part of stamp releases all these years. Plants like Tulsi and Ashwagandha, and all the astrological signs also have stamps on them. Historical buildings and institutions of repute have also found a place in the list of postage stamps.

The Indian Philatelic history began with the introduction of paper postage in India in 1852. Before that copper tokens were introduced for payment of postage in 1774. Their use was, however, not found to be very convenient and need was felt for some other token of pre-payment. With the success of Penny Postage in England, Sir Bartel Frere, the Commissioner of Sind introduced paper stamps for his province in 1852. These stamps, known as Scinde Dawk, were round in shape and were issued in three variations – embossed on white paper without colour, on white paper in blue and on vermilion wafers. They were withdrawn in October, 1854 on the introduction of the regular India Postage Stamps though their use continued for quite some time.

In 1854, it was decided to issue stamps for the British India. The first design for the India Postage stamps was attempted by Col. Forbes of Calcutta Mint showing the “Lion and the Palm tree”. It was a bold and imaginative design but somehow it could never be used. The next stamps to be designed and printed in 1854, by the Surveyor General’s Office were blue lithographed half anna stamps showing a youthful profile of Queen Victoria. The first India Postage Stamps bore the inscription “India Postage”. It was changed in the same year to “East India Postage”. In 1882, this inscription was amended to “India Postage” and continued till 1962. From November, 1962, a new caption  “INDIA” was introduced replacing the “India Postage”. Three stamps were issued in the first series in 1947. They depicted the Ashoka Pillar, National Emblem of India; the Indian National Flag and an Aircraft.

It is uncalled for any responsible and sensible government to make an effort to politicise the process of postage stamps release as the governments so far have been implementing a fair and inclusive procedure. Deliberately creating a perception that only one family was being honoured is mischievous. Any government must try to be free of prejudice, meanness of spirit, pettiness, and hatred. True, mean boys go far in high school but we must also remember that kind men go far in life. Narendra Bhai, do you really think it necessary to stoop to such levels in your political journey? 

Bihar elections: The great leveller

Pankaj Sharma
14 September 2015, New Delhi

These elections are set to become very interesting as poll arithmetic comes into play.

For the first time in nearly two decades the Indian National Congress can hope to touch 20 plus seats in the Bihar assembly when ballot boxes are opened on November 8. The previous record of the Congress was 29 seats.

However, this time around the Congress is in a far better situation electorally speaking and can hope to get little more than 25 seats out of the 40 it has been offered. The combine of Nitish Kumar’s Janta Dal-United (JD-U), Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janta Dal (RJD) and Congress is in a position to touch the magic figure of 150. The contesting of a few dozen seats by Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) will affect the secular coalition perhaps adversely. At the same time the total absence of the Modi wave in the 2015 Bihar election is making it difficult for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to touch even ninety seats. 

The upcoming Bihar elections are going to be crucial for the BJP because the credibility of Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself is at stake. The wave that was easily discernible in the 2014 Parliamentary election is nowhere in the urban, semi-urban or rural areas of Bihar. 

It was in the year 2000 when Bihar witnessed a wave-less election when the electorate threw a hung assembly. Nitish Kumar was then the leader of the BJP-JD (U) combine and had a week long stint in office. RJD and Congress subsequently formed a coalition government that ran for full time. Prior to the 2000 elections, Mandal wave brought Lalu Prasad Yadav back to power with a thumping majority and Nitish Kumar’s Samata Party ended with a single digit tally. 

It is not that there is a shortage of issues. But nobody is bringing those issues into the ongoing Public discourse. The political crisis facing the country is more serious than what the present day politicians perceive. But, except Congress, nobody is talking about the real issues in this election. BJP talks about development, but nobody believes their slogans as Modi government in Centre has failed miserably in delivering on almost all fronts in last 15 months. People also understand that only a secular government can ensure progress. All talk of development does not hold water unless any rule promotes a progressive mindset. For Lalu, more than anything else, the most important thing is to stop the possible Brahmanical takeover of the state. Therefore, he is working on a design that would give him the largest share of the electoral success even at the cost of other coalition partners. Nitish Kumar is being warned by his people that there are chances that RJD gets little more seats than JD-U, and the situation can create hurdles in his way to becoming coalition’s chief minister. The Congress is somehow trying to keep issues like poverty, price rise, rising inequality in education and health from being relegated to the foot note of the election story. But, Congress has its own problems. It has a large number of very enthusiastic leaders who are keen to contest election but equally unenthused cadre that was neglected for decades by the state leadership.

Congress had an illustrious past in Bihar. Till Mandal era that began in 1990, Congress used to get more than 50 half the seats in Bihar assembly. From the time of Sri Krishna Sinha, Binodanand Jha, Mahamaya Prasad Sinha, Krishna Ballabh Sahay, B.P. Mandal to Kedar Pandey, Abdul Ghafoor, Jagannath Mishra, Chandra Shekhar Singh, Bindeshwari Dubey, Bhagwat Jha Azad and Satyendra Narayan Singh; Congress’ vote share had always been over 30 percent and touching up to 42 percent. Even during Janta Party wave in 1977, Congress was the second largest party in Bihar with more than 23 percent vote share. Even in 1990 Congress got around 25 percent votes. In 2010, assembly election, it was only little more than 8 percent. In 2014, Parliament election, though the increase in vote percentage of the Congress party was very marginal, it got highest votes in 14 assembly segments leaving behind any other political party. Amid the so called Modi wave, leading in more than two dozen assembly constituency is certainly a hope for Congress in coming assembly election. 

With the backing of 15 percent Yadav, 16 percent Muslims, 10 percent Mahadalits, 3 percent Kurmis and a large chunk of 22 percent Most Backward Castes, the secular alliance  has a strong potential of keeping BJP at a comfortable distance from forming the next government in Bihar. What worked in Haryana, Maharashtra and Jharkhand are not going to work in Bihar for BJP. Modi graph is on a downward trend nationally, and this fact has to reflect in Bihar election. After Delhi, Bihar is crucial for BJP and the outcome of Bihar is going to set the next course of vast political grammar. We will have assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, Kerela, Puducherry, Assam and West Bengal next year and in Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh in 2017. India will have its new President and Vice President also in July-August 2017. Therefore, the importance of Bihar assembly election is multi-dimensional.

This round goes to Mohan Bhagwat

Pankaj Sharma

7 September 2015, New Delhi

It was two days after Narendra Modi’s grand victory in last year’s general elections that Ram Madhav, who was then the national spokesperson of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), dismissed any scope of running the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) government ‘through remote control’. According to Madhav, the Sangh had not given any guidelines to the BJP after its historic victory in Lok Sabha polls. 

Within two months of Modi becoming the prime minister, RSS deputed Madhav to BJP, and he later became national general secretary of the party. It was at that time when New Delhi’s power corridors were abuzz with talks about Narendra Modi scheming to tighten his grips over the functioning and decision making of RSS. Gossip clubs were busy speculating about the tense relationship between RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Prime Minister Modi. The general feeling that emerged from these stories indicated that RSS will have to mend its ways and ultimately Modi will have the top leadership of his choice installed even in the RSS.

Bhagwat was aware of the schemes that were taking shape in the backrooms of Delhi. In the second week of August 2014, he warned that, “some people are saying that the victory is because of some individuals”. The fact is that BJP acquired this absolute power because the common man wanted change. The same individuals and the party existed earlier also. Why were they not voted to power? 

Bhagwat was not in favour of Modi’s individualistic approach since the very beginning and had given a strong note of caution to RSS workers even before last year’s parliamentary elections. Two months before these elections, he told a delegate session of RSS volunteers at Bangalore, “we must work for BJP’s victory, but it is not our job to chant NaMo-NaMo. We must not cross our limits to support BJP”. 

A person of Modi’s mindset would have never liked Bhagwat’s utterances before and after the elections. There was growing anxiety within the RSS on its shrinking cadre base. Bhagwat took the hint and personally saw to it that the numbers of RSS shakhas are increased across the country and started a massive exercise to open overseas shakhas in different countries. Bhagwat personally crafted a special plan to cover north-eastern states, West Bengal and Jammu & Kashmir. These states were to have RSS offices at every tehsil headquarter.

For some time Hindu fountainhead Bhagwat decided to wait and watch and at the same time drop hints of his displeasure with Narendra Modi. Bhagwat replaced joint general secretary Suresh Soni as the point-man between RSS and BJP with Krishna Gopal.  In internal meetings, he expressed dissatisfaction with the working of Soni—considered to be one of Modi’s close associates. Soni was instrumental in Modi’s selection as the BJP’s campaign chief and subsequently, the prime ministerial candidate for the 2014 general elections. Bhagwat also indicated that he is not happy with the elevation of Amit Shah as he believes both the BJP president and the prime minister should not be from one state. According to RSS insiders, Bhagwat has also been unhappy the way Nitin Gadkari has been kept out of key decision-making processes. Bhagwat expressed his displeasure over functioning of the Modi government in a closed-door meeting in Agra convention also.

Modi sent Amit Shah to Nagpur to pacify Bhagwat. Shah also flew down to Lucknow to meet Bhagwat to explain things. In the lead-up to the three-day conclave of the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhik Sabha (ABPS), the highest decision-making body of the Sangh, speculation was rife that additional general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale, perceived to be close to Prime Minister Modi, could replace Bhaiyya Ji Joshi. But Joshi was retained as RSS general secretary for a third consecutive term. This was seen as a defeat for the Modi camp. An RSS insider told me those days, “Bhaiyya ji’s re-election is a signal that the RSS top brass does not want any individual to dominate the entire Parivar. When a son tries to assert himself, the father has to come forward and tell the family that he is in command. Had Hosabale replaced Bhaiyya Ji, someone junior to Modi would have been given a responsibility of negotiating with him, and everyone knows how dominating our Prime Minister is”. 

It is in the backdrop of a strong trust deficit with the BJP that the RSS summoned Narendra Modi and his ministers to tell them what to do and what not to last week. Officially the three-day meet between the Modi government and Sangh Parivar was for the ‘exchange of notes’. However, Narendra Modi’s attendance at the RSS conclave has far bigger ramifications and Bhagwat has openly established the fact that RSS is and will be remote controlling BJP and its government. That Modi had to take a diversionary route and submit himself for rigorous scrutiny before his mother organisation is an ominous sign. You may recall how a few weeks after Modi government was sworn in, a group of secretarial staffers from the Centre trooped off to Mumbai for one such event organized by RSS. In the end, the ruler of our democracy will be one of the two swayamsevaks who ultimately wins this ongoing tussle. This round goes to Mohan Bhagwat.

Jantar kya hai, Mantar kya hai?

Pankaj Sharma

30 August 2015, New Delhi

Deceived for small amounts as low as five thousand rupees to a somewhere around one lakh, they had come from far reaching places.

Jantar-Mantar of our national capital is now known more for protests and demonstrations than its 13 architectural astronomical instruments constructed around 300 years back. From small groups of protesters to large crowds of demonstrators come to Jantar-Mantar from remote corners of our country with a hope that their voice will have some effect and the rulers of Delhi will awaken to their demands. While raising slogans at Jantar-Mantarthey feel that they are within the hearing range of decision makers sitting in different buildings of Raisina Hills.

When I was a young reporter the venue of protests used to be the Boat Club at India Gate. Those were the days ofmuch relaxed security arrangements and India Gate lawns were available for political rallies and demonstrations on social issues. I still remember the winters of 1988 when one fine morning thousands of farmers reached Delhi from the neibghouring western part of Uttar Pradesh and started their protest for fulfillment of their demands and made India Gate lawns their home for little more than a week. It was in October that year that these farmers refused to go back as their leader Mahendra Singh Tikait asked them not to return till the demands are accepted. So, in spite of the chilly  winter winds, thousands of them  slept there, cooked their food there and used the Boat Club for their daily natural calls. After they left, the site of India Gate lawns was unimaginably polluted. A serious thinking for changing the venue of protests from India Gate to some other place began in government corridors and police started diverting the demonstrations to other venues which were never preferred by the protesting organisations. But, finally Jantar-Mantar was declared as the official venue for organising protests in 1993.

On Monday and Tuesday, I went to Jantar-Mantar, just to have a feel of the site of national protests that is live for more than two decades. Jantar-Mantar is no Boat Club and authorities give permission to around half a dozen protesting groups to hold their demonstrations on a particular day. So, everyone has a podium, little large or very small, with an audience from within hundred to a few thousands, some banners, placards and flags. Leaders make their speeches. People clap, sometime dance and raise slogans. The day I went there, ex-servicemen were protesting for their one rank, one pension demand; a very small group supporting Asaram Bapu was sitting with a demand to release him; teachers came from a state were trying to attract the attention to their grudges; Congress party was fighting for an issue related to go government employees pension; and thousands of poor people were protesting with their full vigour against the cheating done to them by a company through Ponzy schemes.

Deceived for small amounts as low as five thousand rupees to a somewhere around one lac, they had come from far reaching places in Jharkhand, Bihar, Maharashtra, Punjab, Haryana and Rajsthan. With few cloths and dry food in their jute bags they all were sitting under hot sun and extreme humid without any proper arrangements for drinking water. A large chunk of them was of poor semi-urban women with their small children in their arms. None of their leaders was a prominent figure. The name of the organisation under which they had gathered there was not well known. They had the strongest presence with around 7-8 thousand people, but I found no media camera or printreporter covering their protests. They were there, but stationed at other stalls.

I tried to watch evening Television news bulletins and debates for two days and found no mention of this protest. I also read next day’s prominent newspapers and hardly found any mention of this protest. I know that times have changed and media has its own priorities, but it gave me a little shock to find the TV screens and newspaper pages blank on this protest. If such an important event at the official national venue of protests can go unnoticed, in my view, we are heading towards the dark zone for our hard-earned democracy. Let me tell you why?

The protest in which thousands of poor men and women participated early last week was against a company whose dossier will tell you that the person behind this company had a very small dairy few years back and has dupedaround 6 crores of his poor investors of around 45,000 crores rupees. Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had registered cases against this company more than a year back, Security and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has asked the company to return 49,000 crores to the people it belonged. For the default of half of this amount another ‘deceiver’ is, very rightly, sleeping in Tihar Jail for more than a year, but all the chief conspirators of this particular company are comfortably staying in their splash farm houses in Aravali Hills adjoining the national capital and enjoying their evening drinks costing tens of thousands of rupees a peg in Sheratons and Oberois.

CBI has launched a countrywide investigation on around 400 offices and 8 lac commission agents of the company. Certain media houses posses the audio tapes of the conversation between the bigwigs of the company and certain players that show how another plan for duping the new investors in untouched states in process. 

Feasibility would be tested after some time, but the company’s move to get time to refund the money to its investors by selling its properties has been accepted by the Supreme Court this weekend. A bench has constituted a Special Committee, which would ensure sale of the immovable properties as well as liquidation of fixed deposits of the group companies ‘at the earliest possible time’ for making refunds to the investors. You must also know that around one thousand accounts of this company that are there in around three dozen banks had been seized by CBI in early 2014.

I am really keen to watch the ‘Jantar’ the government, which has come to the power with an oath to fight corruption, will play in matters such as this. I am equally keen to understand the ‘Mantar’ that makes our Fourth Estate to have a blind eye for protests such as this.