by PANKAJ
SHARMA
Narendra Modi government had made its intentions clear
in the budget presented to the parliament in July this year that it will go
ahead for an aggressive disinvestment of blue chip public sector undertakings
to meet its fiscal deficit target.
To achieve his goals, Narendra
Modi does not want to lose even a single minute. He is a man in hurry. So, it
was only little more than after a month that on a Wednesday morning in the
second week of September the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs cleared the
sale of stakes in Oil and Natural Gas Corporation, Coal India Limited and
National Hydro Power Corporation Limited. The dilution of equity in ONGC, CIL
and NHPC is expected to fetch Rs. 48,425 crore. The sale of 5% stakes of ONGC
will make the pockets of the government heavier by Rs. 19,000 crore, 10% of CIL
by Rs. 23,600 crore and 11.36% of NHPC by 3,100 crore.
Its a huge privatisation
drive by any measurement. It is not important that how one arrives at the price
of any public sector unit, but in my opinion it can never be right. Because the
very fact that a private purchaser finds the price worth buying the stakes even
in a loss making PSU speaks a lot. These three companies are making huge
profits and they are working in the areas where demand is already very high and
increasing with a fast pace. Therefore, the Government of the day has an onus
to answer the valid questions about the possible undervaluation of these
companies.
Narendra Modi government
is in a mood to turn every stone possible to push the nation in an era of 'good
times'. Next on the list of privatisation are the steel major Steel Authority
of India Limited, premier gas distribution company Gas Authority of India
Limited, key builder of our country's power stations Bharat Heavy Electricals
Limited and founding energy generator National Thermal Power Corporation. It is
a matter of few months that SAIL, GAIL, BHEL and NTPC would be available for
more dilution in an open market where retail to institutional to financial
investors will have a right to choose their booty.
I have some polite
questions to ask. Where have all the saviors of
family silver gone now? Why are Mohan Bhagwat and Suresh Bhaiya Joshi of
Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh and Ram Madhav who has recently been sent to
Bhartiya Janta party from RSS are tight lipped? Why Swadeshi Jagaran Manch,
Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh and Bhartiya Kissan Sangh are shying away to raise a
voice against the commencement of the sale of family silver to some of the
biggest corporate houses? Is this not the time to take a honest review of
Indian privatisation experience because the fact remains is that almost none of
the disinvestment receipts of Rs. 1,52,790 crore in last more than two decades
could form any capital and practically nothing of this money was utilised to
launch any social programme. All the proceeds have gone to meet the immediate
day-to-day expenditures.
The Bharatiya
Mazdoor Sangh, trade union wing of the Sangh Parivar, observed 'save public
sector' week and organised nationwide protest rallies against the disinvestment
from 21 to 28 October last year when Congress-led UPA government was in power.
Why is BMS silent now when Narendra Modi has offered the largest privatisation
plan in the history of disinvestments to a bunch of capitalists who have
already gained a lot at the cost of government enterprises? Let me remind
present day leadership of BMS that they belong to a legacy of Dattopant Bapurao
Thengadi who had the courage to raise the flag against the BALCO privatisation
done by the NDA government headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee and organised a
hugely attended rally in the capital on 15 April 2001.
Isn't
it surprising that the same RSS which was criticising not only UPA for
disinvestments in last ten years, but had also strongly criticised Vajpayee for
his disinvestment policies has now been made to shut its mouth. I still
remember that it was the last day of the first week of September in 2002, when
Cabinet Committee on Disinvestment met. A day before this, senior leader and
spokesperson of RSS, M.G. Vaidya told the journalists that "certain key
questions were relevant on selling profit making PSUs as well as those in the
strategic areas like Railways, Defence Production and the Oil sector". Two
months after this, he again repeated RSS' views and told the media that it has
been made clear to prime minister Vajpayee what RSS wants.
Those
were the days when ideologues like K.N. Govindacharya were also intensely expressing
their views against Vajpayee government's disinvestment policy and were of the
view that privatisation cannot be the panacea of the problems and disinvesting even
the loss making PSUs will have an adverse impact on the labour force of the
country. Govindacharya, that time, was undertaking a thorough study
of the effects of globalisation and liberalisation in India. He used to tell everybody
that liberalisation and globalisation are 'explosives' and pursuing perestroika and glasnost without giving any thought to its
consequences might have a negative impact on the nation’s development. RSS then wanted Vajpayee to not even think of
disinvesting profit making PSUs and rather seriously implement a plan to turn
over loss making units. Same RSS and its ideologues are helplessly looking with
their blank eyes at the large scale privatisation plans of its own one-time pracharak.
They know, Narendra Modi is no Atal Behari Vajpayee who was liberal enough to
at least listen to dissents. Modi is Modi and it is for this reason that even
organisations like All
India Trade Union Congress, Centre of Indian Trade Unions and National Labour
Organisation are also perhaps can't dare to refuse to dance on the tunes Modi plays.
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