A destructive economic vision

25 May 2015, New Delhi, Pankaj Sharma

The Centre seems hell bent on destroying the egalitarian character of India’s polity.

Narendra Modi’s hands are busy writing a radically different definition of a welfare state. The writing on the wall is rather clear. In its first year in office, the NarendraModi-led government has left no stone unturned to demolish the edifice of India’s foundational values of inclusive and equitable development. Political commentators have attributed these moves to its insatiable quest to appease a few crony capitalists and trading partners. The Modi government has perplexingly slashed ‘Social Sector Spending’ by a whopping Rs 1,75,122 crore in one year alone. It has made a Rs 66,222 crore cut in grants on Social Sector Schemes. This has been made in sync with a Rs 5,900 crore cut by closing down Backward Regions Grant Fund. The most shocking and unkindest cut is the indefensible Rs 1,03,000 crore slashing down by not implementing the Food Security Programme: which was aimed at 67 percent of our population.

Shockingly, these cuts have been unabashedly applied to areas that are vital to India’s poor. These areas include Women & Child Development, Agriculture, Irrigation, Panchayati Raj, Education, Health, Housing, Swacchh BharatAbhiyaan, Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Tribals, and Backward Regions. Qua teeming millions of India, BJP government is following a policy which ignores the deprived.

Agriculture and irrigation contributing 17 percent of our GDP, and engaging in 49 percent of India’s workforce and 62.5 percent of India’s population has been the worst hit by Modimonics of Crony Capitalism. Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna has seen a reduction in funds to the extent of Rs 7,426.50 crore. Animal Husbandry and Dairy Vikas has seen a reduction in funds to the extent of Rs 685 crore. Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchai Yojna has seen a reduction in funds to the extent of Rs 8,156.22 crore. Funds for National Livelihood Mission have been reduced by Rs 1,632.50 crore.

Not surprisingly, agricultural growth has gone down from 4.7 percent in 2013-14 to 1.1 percent in 2014-15 under BJP government. Area under cultivation has gone down by 33.22 lakh hectares in 2014-15 and total grain output is likely to go down from 2650 lakh metric ton in 2013-14 to under 2500 lakh metric ton in 2014-15. Even agricultural exports that increased under Congress rule from USD 7.5 billion in 2002-03 to USD 42.6 billion in 2013-14 will see a drop of over 25 percent under the 

Modi government.

Insensitivity towards the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is perhaps the professed policy of the Modi government. It is also not surprising that the only Ordinance issued by previous Congress government that was allowed to be lapsed was ‘The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes  (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Ordinance, 2014’. The bill envisaged speedy and expeditious disposal of SC/ST cases by an exclusive Special Court at District level. It further proposed the appointment of a special public prosecutor and punishment for new offences like garlanding with footwear, compelling to dispose of or carry human or animal carcasses, etc. Even the funds for Scheduled Castes Sub Plan have been reduced by Rs 13,208 crore and for Tribal Sub Plan have been reduced by Rs 7,714 crore.

Panchayati Raj and its institutions provide the last mile connectivity to our poorest. The budget of Panchayati Raj institutions has been reduced by Rs 3,306 crore i.e. by 98.6 percent. The Modi government’s allocation to Panchayati Raj Institutions is a trifle pittance of Rs 94.75 crore only. MNREGA has been described as a ‘colossal failure’ by none less than Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the floor of Parliament. No wonder that Government of India is systematically killing MNREGA by a concerted design in the shape of not releasing funds to the States. Even for the year 2014-15, Government of India has not provided funds over Rs 6,000 crore, which were due to the States. The net result is a profound failure of the States to take up new projects and provide employment in the current year.

Women & Child Development is also one of the biggest casualties in Modi’s first year. Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) aimed at health and nutrition of millions of children and lactating mothers has seen a reduction of Rs 9,858 crore. So much so that the Women & Child Development Minister had to write a letter dated 27th April, 2015 to Union Finance Minister stating, “This may result in a situation where the focus is lost on critical programmes related to malnutrition of children…… Nutrition for pregnant and lactating mothers…… I am afraid to point out the political fallout of such a situation can be grave.”

Education has become the last priority of the Modi government. Funds for Education have been reduced by Rs 14,088.59 crore (Primary Education- Rs 10,186 crore, Secondary Education-Rs 1,422 crore and Higher Education- Rs 1,479 crore). The Modi government has also abolished the scheme for granting Central assistance for setting up 6,000 Model Schools at the Block level across India.

Health, a primary fundamental for a nation’s growth, has been hit by the ruling dispensation’s reckless apathy. Funds for ‘National Health Mission’ have been reduced by Rs 3,650 crore. Funds for ‘National AIDS and STD Programme’ stand cut by Rs 392 crore and for ‘Ayush’ by Rs 64 crore. As per government estimates, the present housing shortage is around 18.7 crore units in urban areas, which is likely to increase to 30 crore units by 2022. On June 11, 2014, Modi promised ‘Housing for all by 2022’. Contrary to his own promise, he reduced funds for ‘Housing’ by Rs 4,376 crore. The prime minister launched the ‘Swacchh Bharat Abhiyaan’ with great fanfare and media publicity. Same was the case for ‘Drinking Water’ and ‘Sanitation’. The ruling dispensation has, however, reduced allocated funds for ‘Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan’ (including Drinking Water and Sanitation) by Rs 9,025 crore.

‘Backward Regions Grant Fund’  was constituted to address not only regional imbalances in identified backward districts but also to ensure direct development in naxal-affected areas. The Centre has shut down the scheme and consequently denied the yearly allocation of Rs 5,900 crore. The erstwhile Congress-led government enacted National Food Security Act to guarantee 5 kg foodgrain per person per month at a price of Rs 2 per kg to 67 percent of India’s population. But identification of beneficiaries has been completed only in six States and BJP government has extended the time limit for implementation of Food Security Act. Prime Minister constituted a single member committee under BJP leader Shanta Kumar to review the Food Security Act. Shanta Kumar has suggested a reduction of beneficiaries from 67 to 40 percent. If this is the beginning of Modi government, the have-nots have darker days ahead.

The author is Editor and CEO of News Views India

Shifting the goal pos

18 May 2015, New Delhi, Pankaj Sharma

As usual Prime Minister Modi’s foreign trips have been high on rhetoric.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has completed one year in office. I give him full marks for his insatiable thirst of touring foreign lands. Our prime minister has spent more than 14 percent of his tenure on foreign soil. When Modi returns from his trip to China, Mongolia and South Korea, he will have travelled to 18 different countries, in toto spending 52 days outside India. The Ministry of External Affairs is now preparing for Modi’s next set of foreign tours to Bangladesh, Russia, Turkmenistan, Turkey and Singapore before the year is out.

In Modi, we have a prime minister, who tweets about the warm welcome he received in China. After arriving at the ancient city of Xi’an, Modi visited the Terracotta Army museum, where thousands of lifelike ceramic soldiers guard the mausoleum of Emperor Qin Shi Huang, who died over 2,200 years ago. Trailed by photographers, Modi, in cool, irreverent, dark glasses, wandered among the rows of life-size soldiers without cracking a smile. Prime Minister Modi’s projection of himself as a tough-guy was met with delight from many of his admirers back home. Modi also viewed the sacred Buddhist temple, where, 13 centuries ago, monks from India translated scriptures into Chinese. After talks in Xi’an, Chinese President Xi Jinping accompanied Modi to the Giant Wild Goose Pagoda, where a seventh-century monk stored some Buddhist texts and relics from India.

How many Indian prime ministers have tweeted pictures of themselves like Modi did, while visiting the Wild Goose Pagoda?  One is not sure as to how this is a new beginning in Indo-China relations. As a result, I think some rhetorical questions are in order: What if no meaningful outcome was achieved on China’s claim to more than 34,000 square miles of Arunachal Pradesh and ‘illegally occupation’ of the Aksai Chin region? It must be noted that our prime minister has achieved his stated goal of setting up a Yoga College in China, in creating sister-cities and think tank forums between India and China and signing agreements in the areas of space, ocean and earthquake science. However, what about China’s $46 billion investment into Pakistan, including areas in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir? Although the Indian delegation did sign various investment agreements worth $22 billion, one could be lead to thinking that Modi has merely taken India’s top billionaires on a picnic to a communist country.

China is India’s biggest trading partner with commerce between the two nations totalling $71 billion. However, India’s trade deficit with China has spiralled from just $1bn in 2001-02 to more than $38bn in 2014.  China must take a serious note of this fact. A trade imbalance of 300 percent is a core area of concern and this deficit can only come down if China allows Indian companies, especially those in the Information Technology and Pharmaceuticals sectors, greater market access. Unfortunately, the Chinese government has repeatedly denied market access to such Indian companies. Modi’s determination to finalise $10 billion worth of investment to build Chinese style mega industrial parks in India seems fair. It is, however, hard to swallow the fact that our government has diluted the procedures behind providing security clearances to such foreign investments. Just last week the Union Home Ministry had announced that in order to support its “Make in India” initiative, security clearances for investments will now be given within 30 days. The earlier time limit was 90 days. Owing to historical geopolitical and strategic reasons, Indian governments in the past had used a policy of clearing Chinese investments after careful scrutiny by security and intelligence agencies. Chinese investors, however, want an absolute assurance from India that their investments will not be subject to any government scrutiny.

Only one year before Modi took oath as prime minister, the Indian government had announced the formation of the Mountain Strike Corps (MSC), a 90,000-strong Army battalion, which was specifically tasked with preventing Chinese intrusions across our borders, at a cost of Rs 64,478 crore. However, just three weeks ahead of the Modi’s visit to China the Defence Ministry had reduced the sanctioned strength of MSC by half. The official reason given was a severe shortage of funds. Just days before the prime minister’s visit to China, BJP President Amit Shah cancelled his scheduled meeting with the Dalai Lama. I sincerely hope such acts do not mean that New Delhi is re-shifting its goal post on the matter. Stapled visas to people from Arunachal Pradesh continues to be a major issue of concern and nothing was done to resolve it during Modi’s visit. When the Chinese President visited India last year, Indian Minister of State for Home Affairs Kiren Rijiju was told not to attend the banquet hosted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi .This was because the junior minister hails from Arunachal Pradesh. China’s plan to build multiple dams on the Brahmaputra and its impact on Assam remains an open issue even today. Repeated Chinese incursion into Indian Territory, including Ladakh, has always remained a source of major flash points. The nation is eagerly waiting to hear about the discussions Modi had with China on these issues.

Ulan Bator does not usually figure on the itinerary of most world leaders. Modi, however, has made a trip to the Mongolian capital before reaching out to South Korea. No Indian prime minister has ever visited the country before. So, why has Modi gone there? Is it to pass on a subtle message to China? Mongolia and China have always had complicated relations. Kublai Khan, the grandson of Genghis Khan, conquered all of China in 1279 and established the Yuan Dynasty. In 1368, the Chinese under the Ming Dynasty successfully expelled the Mongols from China and in 1388, sacked the Mongol capital at Karakorum. China has been very active in India’s periphery. Modi has now decided to play on their periphery. The prime minister will want to convey the message that India has an all-encompassing foreign policy. With Mongolia, it’s more of a geostrategic and neo- economic play. It is good that Modi is trying to build on that aspect. Both India and China carry heavy historical baggage. Carrying this baggage, some may argue, is not representative of mature leadership. In the midst of all this, however, the fundamental interests of our country must not be compromised.

 The author is Editor and CEO of News Views India

Searching for transparency

11 May 2015, New Delhi, Pankaj Sharma

The ruling dispensation at the Centre has taken a U-turn on its promise for transparent governance

Addressing the Lok Sabha on May 6, Congress president Sonia Gandhi attacked the Narendra Modi-led government for its lack of transparency and accountability. In a motion moved before the House, the Congress president specified that the post of Chief Information Commissioner (CIC) has been lying vacant since August last year. In the interim the Prime Minister’s Office has seized control of the Central Information Commission, whose autonomy, she argued, is enshrined by law. She also said that the Chief Vigilance Commissioner has also not been appointed since September 2014, besides key vacancies to be filled in the Election Commission.

“These delays are subverting the accountability of the government to the people,” the Congress president said. The concern shown by the president of the main opposition party has raised many pertinent questions. It has highlighted the manner in which the current ruling dispensation is deliberately trying to undermine the authority of Central Information Commission. The Right to Information Act, enacted by erstwhile Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, has been diluted by the current ruling dispensation. Delays in the appointment of the CIC seems to be a step in that direction.

This delay has caused a pendency of 23,970 cases until last week. By Saturday, 14,754 cases had piled up on the Chief Information Commissioner’s desk, apart from 2,580 fresh complaints. In the absence of a CIC, 11,994 appeals are waiting to be disposed off. One can gauge the speed at which the Central Information Commission functions by the fact that only one in seven information commissioners has less than 1000 cases pending, as per data collected last Saturday. MA Khan Yusufi, one of the current information commissioners, has 290 fresh complaints and 523 pending appeals to address.  

In Parliament, Sonia Gandhi had explained the deplorable lapse on the government’s part in not appointing the Chief Information Commissioner. She also told the house that the posts of three information commissioners in the CIC have been lying vacant for almost a year. The UPA government, she argued, had ensured that the crucial post of the Chief Information Commissioner was never left vacant from the day the RTI came into force.

Sonia Gandhi did raise some very valid points about how the prime minister and his ministers had reneged on their promise for a transparent government. “The PM during his election campaign promised transparency but in a U-turn, his government has made sure through the absence of a CIC that the offices of the PMO, Cabinet Secretariat, Ministry of Defence, Supreme Court and High Courts are not accountable under the Right to Information Act. Do citizens no longer have the right to question their government,” she asked.

There is a clear attempt on the government’s part  to subvert the RTI Act. The intent of this landmark legislation was to enhance the government’s accountability and responsibility to the people. It is through this very legislation that millions were empowered to ask their government questions pertaining to the implementation of public schemes and public works, besides the functioning of public authorities. The right of citizens to question our government is being curtailed every day. More than half the information commissioners working in the states lack adequate infrastructure, causing long delays in the disposal of cases. The government has also shown a deplorable lack of interest in punishing those responsible for causing delays or admitting to lapses in the delivery of public services. Protecting the wrong doer cannot be a part of the ethos of any government. 

On March 11 this year, however, the Department of Personnel and Training, which is under the PMO, transferred the financial powers of the CIC to a government-appointed secretary. Such a post has no mention in the original RTI Act. This piece of legislation places all financial and administrative powers in the hands of an independent CIC. There is no provision in the Act, which allows the government to take over the commission’s day to day affairs in the absence of a CIC.

The Bharatiya Janata Party-led government is also facing questions as to why the two posts of vigilance commissioner and Lokpal remained vacant.  Although this government has shown extraordinary urgency in introducing certain laws, the Whistleblower Protection Act has not been operationalised, even though it received a presidential accent in May 2014. This act is essential to safeguard whistle blowers, who are extensive users of the RTI. All these legislative provisions are instruments that are required to combat corruption. The Centre’s inability to strengthen these institutions does cast serious apprehensions on its real intention.

The Modi-led government has also given up the convention of appointing the senior-most Information Commissioner as the Chief of the Central Information Commission. In October last year, the Centre advertised the position, inviting applications from the general public. It is also an astonishing fact that the search committee, designated to look for the new CIC chief, has only met twice and there are no records available of these meetings. The search committee met on January 16 and February 6 this year. The ruling dispensation says that the minutes of the meetings were not taken down, and hence there are no details of what transpired in those meetings. By not recording the minutes of the meeting, no one will ever know what occurred. Let the nation celebrate the ruling dispensation’s new definition of “transparent” governance. 

Author is Editor and CEO of News Views India

ये राहुल, वो राहुल नहीं लगते

पंकज षर्मा
जिन्हें लगता था कि राहुल गांधी पता नहीं कहां चले गए हैं और अब कांग्रेस का क्या होगा, वे राहुल के लौटने के बाद उनकी भाग-दौड़ और जुबानी सक्रियता देख कर ज़रा हकबकाए हुए हैं। क़रीब दो महीने के अपने अज्ञातवास से वापस आने के बाद राहुल ने दिल्ली के रामलीला मैदान से जो दौड़ षुरू की है, उसकी पदचाप केदारनाथ, पंजाब और विदर्भ तक ने सुन ली है। लोकसभा में भी राहुल भारतीय जनता पार्टी और ख़ास कर प्रधानमंत्राी नरेंद्र मोदी की चुटकी लेने का कोई मौक़ा हाथ से नहीं जाने दे रहे हैं। 2019 आने में अभी वक़्त है। लेकिन इतना तो तय है कि ये राहुल, वो राहुल नहीं हैं और अगर अपनी सियासी-त्वरा वे इसी तरह बनाए रखे तो कांग्रेस के दिन उतने भी बुरे नहीं हैं, जितने पिछले बरस की गर्मियों में दिखाई दे रहे थे।
राहुल की राह लंबी है। अपनी सोहबत पर अटूट विष्वास के चलते कांग्रेस के माथे पर लगा 44 का कलंक राहुल को ठीक से सोने नहीं देता होगा। वे यह भी जानते होंगे कि इसे धोने के पहले अगले चार साल में उन्हें जिस बाधा-दौड़ से रू-ब-रू होना है, वह काफी पसीना मांगती है। राहुल के मौजूदा तेवरों में यह ठोस संकेत तो दिखाई देता है कि वे हर कीमत चुकाने को तैयार हो कर आए हैं। कांग्रेस के षीषम से लिपटी पुरातन और नई-नवेली अमरबेलों से अगर वे बचे रह सके तो उनकी नई चेतना कांग्रेस को 2019 आते-आते पुनर्जीवन दे सकती है।
इसके लिए राहुल को अगले चार बरस में प्रादेषिक चुनावों के चक्रव्यूह से गुजरना होगा। इस दौरान देष भर में 3217 विधानसभा क्षेत्रों के चुनाव होंगे। दो दर्जन से ज़्यादा इन राज्यों में पिछले पांच वर्षों में हुए चुनावों में कांग्रेस को सिर्फ़ 828 सीटें मिली हैं। बावजूद इसके कांग्रेस की हालत इसलिए ठीक-ठाक मानी जाएगी कि अगर आधा दर्जन राज्यों को छोड़ दें तो बाकी सब में कांग्रेस को 35 से 50 प्रतिषत तक वोट मिले थे। जहां कांग्रेस को बुरी तरह मुंह की खानी पड़ी, उनमें से एक राज्य बिहार है और वहां इसी साल नवंबर में विधानसभा के चुनाव होने हैं। पिछली बार के चुनाव में कांग्रेस बिहार की सभी 243 सीटों पर लड़ी थी और महज 4 पर ही जीत पाई थी। उसे वोट भी सिर्फ़ 8.37 प्रतिषत ही मिला था। बिहार राहुल गांधी के लिए सबसे पहली चुनौती है। उनके मजमे में एकला चलो रे का इकतारा बजाने वाले भी हैं और समान विचार वाले राजनीतिक दलों के साथ चलने का समूह-गान गाने वाले भी। भाजपा-विरोधी वोटों को बंटने से रोकने के फ़र्ज़ और अपनी पार्टी की जड़ें गांव-गांव तक मजबूत करने के धर्म में से कोई एक राहुल को चुनना होगा।
बिहार विदा होगा तो 2016 में 824 विधानसभा क्षेत्रों के चुनाव राहुल के सामने होंगे। अगले साल मई में पष्चिम बंगाल, असम, केरल, तमिलनाडु और पुदुचेरी में कांग्रेस का रास्ता मखमली बनाना किसी के लिए भी आसान नहीं है। पिछले चुनावों में कांग्रेस ने इन राज्यों में 170 सीटें जीती थीं। यह आंकड़ा जितना कमज़ोर दिखता है, उतना है नहीं, क्योंकि कांग्रेस ने अपने उम्मीदवार सिर्फ़ 353 सीटों पर ही उतारे थे। असम की सभी 126 सीटों पर कांग्रेस ज़रूर लड़ी थी और उनमें से 78 उसने जीत भी लीं, लेकिन पष्चिम बंगाल में वह 294 में से सिर्फ़ 66 सीटों पर ही लड़ी और 42 पर जीती। केरल की 140 में से 81 सीटें कांग्रेस लड़ी और 38 जीती। तमिलनाडु की 234 में से कांग्रेस लड़ी तो सिर्फ़ 63 पर ही, लेकिन अपनी झोली में ला भी महज 5 सीटें ही पाई। राहुल के सामने इस बार वहां सबसे बड़ी दुविधा अपने हमजोली की तलाष की होगी।
2017 में राहुल गांधी को फिर 690 विधानसभा क्षेत्रों में अपना जौहर दिखाना होगा। इस बार उŸार प्रदेष और पंजाब जैसे राज्यों की चुनौती उनके सामने होगी। मार्च और मई के महीने में ही उŸाराखंड, गोआ और मणिपुर के चुनाव भी होंगे। इन पांच प्रदेषोें में पिछली बार हुए चुनावों में कांग्रेस को 157 सीटें मिली थीं। बावजूद इसके कि पिछली बार राहुल गांधी ने उŸार प्रदेष की खाक छानने में कोई कसर बाकी नहीं रखी थी और बावजूद इसके कि कांग्रेस ने राज्य की 403 सीटों में से 355 पर अपने उम्मीदवार खड़े किए थे, पार्टी 28 पर सिमट गई थी। राहुल को देखना होगा कि उन्हें डगर-डगर घुमाने वाले देष भर में और ख़ास कर उŸार प्रदेष में इस बार कोई कोताही न होने दें। 2017 में पंजाब भी कांग्रेस के लिए बेहद अहम होगा और वहां की सांगठनिक उथल-पुथल पर राहुल को वक़्त रहते लगाम कसनी होगी।
अगले लोकसभा चुनावों से एक साल पहले 2018 की षुरुआत गुजरात के विधानसभा चुनाव से होगी। गुजरात की 182 विधानसभा सीटों में से कांग्रेस पिछली बार 6 को छोड़ कर सभी पर लड़ी थी। नरेंद्र मोदी का जादू जब लोगों के सिर चढ़ कर बोल रहा था, तब भी कांग्रेस ने गुजरात में 61 सीटें जीती थीं और उसे 40.5 प्रतिषत वोट मिले थे। गुजरात की तैयारी अगर कांग्रेस अभी से कर ले तो वहां भाजपा को ता-ता-थैया कराना कोई बहुत मुष्क़िल भी नहीं है। 2018 में सात प्रदेषों की 694 विधानसभा सीटों पर चुनाव होंगे। पिछली बार इनमें से 300 सीटें कांग्रेस को मिली थीं। हिमाचल प्रदेष, कर्नाटक, मेघालय, मिजोरम, नगालैंड और त्रिपुरा में कांग्रेस की हालत आज भी कमो-बेष ठीक-ठाक है और बिला नागा सियासी व्यायाम के ज़रिए उसे और बेहतर बनाए रखने में राहुल गांधी क्यों क़ामयाब नहीं रहेंगे? मध्यप्रदेष, छŸाीसगढ़ और राजस्थान की विधानसभाओं का कार्यकाल यूं तो 2019 के षुरू होते ही ख़त्म हो रहा होगा, लेकिन उनके चुनाव भी 2018 के दिसंबर में हो जाएंगे। इन तीन राज्यों की 520 सीटों में से कांग्रेस को पिछली बार सिर्फ़ 118 पर ही जीत हासिल हो सकी थी। राजस्थान में तो सभी 200 सीटें लड़ने के बाद भी उसे महज 21 सीटें मिली थीं। इस हार के बाद पहले दिन से ही राजस्थान पर कांग्रेस जिस तरह ध्यान दे रही है, उसने वहां के राजनीतिक आसमान को अनुकूल बनाया है। मध्यप्रदेष और छŸाीसगढ़ में भी राहुल गांधी अगर देर नहीं करेंगे तो कुहासा जल्दी ही छंटना षुरू हो जाएगा।
2019 की गर्मियां आते-आते पांच और राज्यों की विधानसभाएं भी काया-कल्प का इतज़ार कर रही होंगी। ज़्यादा संभावना यही है कि आंध्र प्रदेष, तेलंगाना, उड़ीसा, अरुणाचल प्रदेष और सिक्किम के विधानसभा चुनाव मई में लोकसभा के साथ ही होंगे। इसलिए इन राज्यों में तब चलने वाली लहरों का असर, ज़ाहिर है कि, पड़ेगा। मोदी-लहर तब कितनी उछालें लेगी, राहुल गांधी लहर तब कितना आसमान छुएगी, इसका आकलन अभी कौन कर सकता है? आज का तथ्य तो यह है कि इन प्रदेषों में कांग्रेस को पिछली बार 533 में से 100 सीटें ही मिली थीं। उड़ीसा में भी उसकी सांसें बुरी तरह फूल गई थीं। तेलंगाना के निर्माण से कांग्रेस ने वहां की जन-आकांक्षाओं को पूरा करने का अपना सामाजिक दायित्व भले ही निभा दिया, मगर यह संवेदना सियासी तौर पर उसे भारी पड़ी है। आंध्र प्रदेष और तेलंगाना की पारंपरिक कांग्रेसी ज़मीन को फिर सींचने की ज़िम्मेदारी भी राहुल को निभानी होगी, ताकि दोनों प्रदेषों में कांग्रेस घर की भी रहे और घाट की भी।
क्या यह सब इतना आसान होगा? क्या राहुल गांधी इतना पसीना बहा पाएंगे? क्या अब वे फिर उदास हो कर कहीं नहीं जाएंगे? क्या अब वे ता-जिं़दगी मैदान में डटे रहेंगे? ऐसे सभी सवालों के जवाब तो अगले कुछ महीनों में पूरी तरह साफ हो ही जाएंगे। राहुल का ताजा जज़्बा अगर कोई इषारा है तो इषारों को न समझने वाले आने वाले दिनों में आंखें फाड़े घूम भी रहे होंगे। लेकिन असली सवाल तो ये हैं कि क्या राहुल के साथ कांग्रेस भी इतना पसीना बहा पाएगी? जिनका पसीना सूख गया है, क्या वे समानांतर टहनियां उगने देंगे? बरसों से बोंषाई की खेती करने वाले अपनी कैंचियां सिराने को तैयार होंगे? मोबाइल-दस्तक से पूरी की गई दस करोड़ की सदस्य संख्या के बूते इतरा रही भाजपा तो इस जनम में कांग्रेस-मुक्त भारत का अपना ख़्वाब पूरा नहीं कर पाएंगी, मगर जो कांग्रेस में मुक्त भाव से टहल रहे हैं, उनका क्या होगा? इसलिए सवाल यह नहीं है कि राहुल गांधी कांग्रेस को कहां ले जाएंगे? सबसे बड़ा सवाल तो यह है कि आज की कांग्रेस राहुल गांधी को कहां ले जाएगी? भट्टा-पारसौल से नियमगिरी पहाड़ियों तक राहुल क्या पहले नहीं घूमे? देहातों में रात बिताने से ले कर कुलियों तक से बतियाने का काम क्या राहुल ने पहले नहीं किया? तो राहुल के बोए बीजों की फ़सल कहां चली गई? क्या जिन पर खाद-पानी देने की ज़िम्मेदारी थी, जिन पर खर-पतवार हटाने की ज़िम्मेदारी थी, उन्होंने अपनी ज़िम्मेदारी ठीक से नहीं निभाई? राहुल गांधी को 2019 तक तीन हज़ार से ज़्यादा जो विधानसभाई डग भरने हैं, वे तो वे भर भी लेंगे, लेकिन उससे ज़्यादा ऊंचा पहाड़ तो उन्हें कांग्रेस के अंतःपुर में चढ़ना है। इस ऊबड़-खाबड़ रास्ते में उन्हें रहजनों से निपटना है। रहबरों की तलाष करनी है। यह अकेला ऐसा काम है, जिसे उन्हें खुद करना होगा। यह अकेला ऐसा काम है, जिसे दूसरों पर छोड़ने के नतीजे दोबारा भुगतने का समय अब नहीं है। यह एक काम वे जितनी नफ़ासत से कर पाएंगे, 2019 की राह पर कांग्रेस उतनी ही सरपट दौड़ पाएगी। 

Whose comfort zone is it?

4 May 2015, New Delhi, Pankaj Sharma

In India’s context special economic zones are a white elephant

The story of the failure of Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in India is unfolding in a surreal manner. Thanks to the manipulative skills of a number of business houses, the explicit purpose with which the Congress-led UPA government had launched SEZs years ago is yet to be achieved. The SEZ scheme was introduced 15 years back with a view to providing an internationally competent and hassle free environment for export production. Before this, previous governments had tried and encouraged Export Oriented Units (EOUs). 

These industrial units used to manufacture goods for exports. As time gradually passed, these units started trading their products in the export market. The geographic area where goods may be landed, handled, manufactured or reconfigured, and reexported came to be known as Free Trade Zones (FTZ). However, soon after the need for support infrastructure and logistic facilities for smooth functioning of the FTZs came.

Till now the Government of India has given formal approval for 564 SEZs in different states. United Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka got the largest chunk of these approvals. Gujarat, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Kerela also got larger share of SEZ approvals. Companies dealing in information technology, electronic hardware and semiconductors got maximum number of approvals. Biotech, pharma, chemical, textiles, gems & jewellery, metal and multi-product companies also got sizable number of approvals for creating SEZs. Sectors such as agro, non-conventional energy, plastic processing and strategic manufacturing were comparatively far behind.

The list of big beneficiaries of the government’s largesse includes illustrious corporate giants like Reliance, Adani, Tata, Larsen & Tubro, Ramky Pharma, Dr. Reddy Laboratories, Ranbaxy, Vedanta, Sterlite, K. Raheja Corporation, DLF, Unitech, Sanghi, Parshwanath, Hiranandani, Balaji, Lodha, Nagarjuna, Mahavir, Oppto, Infosys, HCL, Wipro, Emmar, GMR, Ansal, Hindalco, Ruchi Reality, Mahindra, Dalmiya, etc. Today the number of operational SEZs in the country does not cross even 200. This means that more than half of the SEZs formally approved are lying dead and the land acquired and given to them is not being utilised for the basic purpose.

Of the 564 SEZs that have been formally approved so far, only 192 are operational. The total employment in these enclaves is around 12.77 lakh as against an expectation of 17.5 by 2009. It means that even after six years we are short of achieving the target by 4.5 lakh. While the share of SEZs in total exports rose from 6 percent in 2006-07 to 28 percent in 2010-11, it has declined in subsequent years. The total area under SEZs currently stands at 61,624 hectares and more than half of this land remains unutilised.

Under the original scheme, businesses in SEZs were exempted from the minimum alternate tax (MAT) on book profits and developers were exempted from payment of the dividend distribution tax (DDT). However, with indications that companies were misusing the policy for real estate arbitrage and that information technology companies were using the policy to recoup tax benefits that they lost when the Software Technology Parks of India (STPI) scheme ended, these exemptions were withdrawn from 2011-12. SEZ units and developers were put under MAT and DDT exemptions for developers were terminated. MAT was levied on book profits at the rate of 20 percent, while DDT was levied at 20 per cent on dividends distributed to shareholders. Previous government had to take these steps after receiving complaints about certain misdoings by several private players. After Narendra Modi took over as prime minister, a strong lobby is raising a voice against these withdrawals and terminations and arguing that Special Economic Zones (SEZs) are likely to be central to realising Prime Minister’s ambitious ‘Make in India’ agenda. The withdrawal of tax incentives, however, has made SEZs an unattractive proposition.

It is true that a key attraction for corporate houses was the income- tax holiday and now with taxes being levied, the savings for companies on account of tax concessions was reduced, impacting their earlier interest in SEZs. However nobody is willing to answer the question as to why for all these years, most of the SEZs remained non-functional? The taxation issues cannot be the only reason impeding SEZs. Despite offering over 300 incentives and schemes for the promotion of manufacturing, growth has not risen substantially. Therefore, incentives need to be carefully evaluated and studied. Incentives should not be the only reason for units to be located in SEZs. Success depends on the business facilitation measures adopted and professional zone management too. It is for the companies to assess where they failed in these two areas.

According to a World Bank estimate there are around 5000 projects taking place in SEZs across 120 countries worldwide and most of them are growing fast. The first industrial park called Free Trade Zone was set up in Manchester almost 120 years back in 1896 to promote free trade, conceptually improved by Hong Kong after the Second World War. The special zones on the line of our SEZs were started in Spain in 1929 and China’s Deng Xiaoping gave a tremendous push to this concept in 1979. Deng used SEZs as the economic quake to attain the success of his liberalised economic policies.

On the contrary, Indian SEZs have had no noticeable impact on any aspect of economic growth while they have claimed thousands of crore rupees of ineligible taxes. A CAG audit report tabled in the winter session Parliament in November last year says that the objective of SEZs was employment generation, investment, exports and economic growth. However, the trends of the national databases on economic growth of the country, trade, infrastructure, investment and employment, among others, do not indicate any significant impact of the functioning of the SEZs on the economic growth. The report pointed out that the SEZs in India have availed tax concessions to the tune of Rs 83,104.76 crore, of which Rs 55,158 crore of income tax and indirect taxes of Rs 27,946.76 crore, between 2006-07 and 2012-13. Isn’t it the time when the current government must expedite the process of streamlining SEZs started by UPA three years back?

Author is Editor and CEO of News Views India